Staunton Vindicator: July 2, 1869Go To Page : 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 |
(Column 01)Summary: This article warns those who consider voting for the disfranchisement and disability clauses in the upcoming election. Actions of this sort are certain to "rebound" and these people will undoubtedly suffer the pecuniary consequences. For example, these people will neither be patronized nor employed.
Full Text of Article:[No Title]
Tuesday next is election day. On that day it is to be decided whether a number of whites in Virginia are to have equal privileges with their former servants.
Then will be submitted to a separate vote the disfranchising and disability clauses. There is not a man in the State, with any sense of justice and fair dealing in his composition, be he white or black, who desires to see his friends and neighbors remain disfranchised or disabled from holding positions of trust and honor by abominable test-oaths. All such will vote against these separate clauses.
Those who vote for these clauses, will do so with their eyes open. They will throw the first stone. If they should find that the stone has rebounded and struck down those who threw it, let them not cry out. That it will rebound, who, knowing human nature, can doubt? In every community, in this particular time, every man likely to cast such a vote is known. The number so cast will aid in fixing the onus where it should rest. If those suspected of casting such a vote fail to get employment or patronage in the future, which will surely be the result, they must not complain, for they themselves wrought their own pecuniary destruction.
We were taken to task some time since by a "carpet-bag" Journal, for calling attention to the necessary result of such votes. We have only to say to all such cavilers that human nature is human nature. That Northern Manufacturers employ none who do not vote as they wish, or dismiss all who vote against their party. A Radical member of the Cabinet has lately discharged a number who voted the Democratic ticket. And in an election in which party questions are lost sight of, to a great extent, in matters more nearly personal, where the effect is being made to relieve a number of our best citizens from their disfranchisement and disabilities, it is far more reasonable and more nearly right that those who vote to retain the disfranchisement and test-oath clauses should neither be patronized or employed. At any rate such will be the case. Carpet-bags may gape and growl, but we warn the men inclined to vote for disfranchisement and test-oaths, to consider well what they propose to do. Something will drop as sure as fate and we warn you not to be caught in the dead-fall.
(Column 01)Summary: This article briefly summarizes a meeting at the Augusta Court House. Several prominent citizens delivered addresses including Col. Walker, Maj. Dorman and others. Walker, the principle speaker addressed issues such as the test oath and disfranchisement. He also urged citizens to vote for him in the upcoming election.
(Names in announcement: A. H. H. Stuart, Col. Baldwin, Col. J. H. Skinner, Col. Bolivar Christian, Maj. H. M. Bell, Maj. Thomas C. Elder, Thomas J. Michie, Col. George Baylor, William S. Gilman)Full Text of Article:[No Title]
On Monday last, Col. Gilbert C. Walker, Candidate for Governor, agreeably to previous announcement, addressed the people of Augusta in the Court House. There was an immense throng present, the Court House being densely crowded. There was a number of colored persons present.
Col.Walker was introduced by Hon A.H.H. Stuart and made a plain, candid and bold speech, repeating the points he had made elsewhere. He declared his utter detestation of the Disfranchising and Test oath clauses and his earnest opposition to the remainder of the Constitution and his acceptance of it only because he believes it the best course to pursue. He made a very decided impression and the crowd were very enthusiastic.
Maj. Jas. B. Dorman, of Lexington followed in a fine address.
Col. Baldwin being called for, proposed to have a "love feast," and called on the following gentlemen, who responded, endorsing the speech of Col. Walker, and advising the people to vote for him: Col. J.H. Skinner, Col. Bolivar Christian, Maj. H.M. Bell, Maj, Thos C. Elder, Thos. J. Michie, Col. Geo. Baylor, and Mr. Wm. S. Gilmam of the Richmond Whig.
Col. Baldwin closed the "love feast" with a spirited speech.
Judging from the spirit manifested on Monday, Col. Walker will carry Augusta, by a very large majority.
(Column 01)Summary: The paper announces that Gen. Canby has extended the Stay-law to January 1st, 1870, in cases in which one year's interest has been paid prior to August 1st. Executions will be allowed on cases in which that interest has not been paid. In debts due to minors, widows, unmarried women, and insane persons the interest must be paid as well as one third of the arrears.Communications To the Voters of the Sixth Congressional District of Virginia
(Column 02)Summary: This letter from Congressional candidate R.A. Gray urges the citizens of Staunton to cast their votes for him in the upcoming election. He claims that he would withdraw if the convention were to rule him out, or if some other worthy candidates were to be free from disabilities. This message is primarily an attack on the political aims of Judge Harris. Gray feels that Harris has concentrated his efforts on the "negro vote." Gray claims that neither blacks nor Radicals should decide this contest. This, according to Gray, is a white man's district, and he promises to work for the white man's interests.
Full Text of Article:Important Letter from Hon. J. B. Baldwin
Composed of the Counties of Frederick, Clarke, Warren, Page, Shenandoah, Rockingham, Augusta, Highland, Bath, Alleghany, Rockbridge and Botetourt.
Fellow-Citizens: The general confusion in our town on Wednesday last, and the rumor freely circulated to my injury, that I had withdrawn as a candidate for Congress in this District, renders it necessary that I should issue from the press this additional card.
Mr. Lewis has withdrawn, and although unexpressed publicly, I believe in my favor. I did agree with him to withdraw, provided the people of the District would have a candidate with disabilities; and provided that the gallant Confederate soldier, F.W.M. Holliday, of Frederick county, with his disabilities, would consent to run. He is a gentleman and a scholar. He shed his blood in the Southern cause, and was rash in his desire to shed it, and if you will have a man with disabilities, in God's name, have a man that you know where to find, and who served you faithfully in your hour, of trial. For such a man I withdraw, and he can depend upon my support.
In my card of Wednesday, words were used in speaking of John F. Lewis, perhaps under momentary excitement, which I desire here, unsolicited, to withdraw, and to commend him to you as a candidate on your State ticket in every way worthy of your enthusiastic support.
I wish you all to understand that for you I am fighting along the line. I am the Conservative, Walker ticket, white man's candidate, and will not withdraw unless a convention rule me off, or for Holliday, who is in every respect worthy your support, and not a man like Harris, who during the war, and now, will not let his friends or foes understand him. Is he anxious to secure the Wells and negro vote? Let him have them! I neither ask, expect, or desire the vote of a single Wells negro in the District. I neither ask, expect or desire the vote of a single Wells white man in the District. I would rather be defeated with the Conservative vote for me, than elected with the vote of Wells white men and the Wells negroes. I am an enthusiastic Walker ticket man; the white man's candidate for the public good. I have by this action willingly thrown off possibly four thousand votes. I have a right to expect the white Virginia men to rally around me. I have a right to expect the undivided Walker ticket vote of the District; and I tell you, if I don't receive it, a Radical or a negro will represent your interest in Congress. Men of Shenandoah, Rockbridge and Botetourt, where I have been, listen to what I say, and believe me. I am your friend, because I believe you are willing to do the best you can, and rescue the old Commonwealth from the hand of the barbarian, and her citizens who just now are in danger of being welcomed "with bloody hands to hospitable graves."
Tell me, some friend of John T. Harris, what was the result of his private interview with Wells on yesterday when I and others were honestly casting flowers upon the Confederate graves as the graves of brave men? Was he seeking the negro vote, or was he simply getting into Wells good graces that he might get the radical influence toward the removal of his disabilities by Congress in the event of his election? Or was he calculating upon the election of the Wells ticket, and a Radical Legislature, and thinking how important it was to be on his right side, as he would have to nominate the Judges? Would he take the Judgeship through Wells and the Radical Legislature? Does he desire that the Radical league shall not make a nomination now for Congress, so that they will treat him as their nominee? I answer every question asked me; why won't he? The people have a right to demand it. It was demanded as a right of Cataline when a dogged silence before the Roman Senate.
Men of this District I have a convention if you chose. All I ask, is that you nominate a white man, a gentleman and a Virginian. I promise to give him an enthusiastic support, be he Holliday, Baldwin, Stuart, Skinner, Jas. B. Dorman, or any other good man that you can produce in the District. I tell you Gray is all right, and his text, is "for the public good." Still if I am not to your fancy; if I cannot give you satisfaction, have a convention, throw me aside and take a better man. It may be important for us to have a representative to protect Virginia's interest. Don't elect a man who is of doubtful position, or who cannot be sure of his seat who may be sent back because of his disabilities, and the place given to some extreme Radical. If the Radical league don't make a nomination, it is equivalent to a secret nomination of Harris by them, and will be so understood. If the Conservatives don't make a nomination, it should be considered as equivalent to a nomination of Gray by them.
I am perfectly willing that between Harris and myself, John F. Lewis shall decide, upon a fair statement of the facts, which shall withdraw. I am perfectly willing that Col. Gilbert C. Walker shall decide; and that I may not be misunderstood, I am perfectly willing that all the facts may be fairly represented, and that Gen. Lee may decide which and what is best for the public good; but I am not willing that Wells and the negro shall decide.
White men of the district, elect Robert A. Gray, and he will do the best he can for you; this is a fair contract, and Gray promises to carry out, faithfully, his part of the contract.
My position, briefly stated, is this: the great doctrine of "Post 19," for peace and good will, early reconstruction, and future development, flowers to be scattered by woman's hand on every soldier's grave in the land, whether North or South, whether Union or Confederate, as a grave of a brave man who died for what he thought was the right.
Under the sod and the dew.
Waiting for the judgment day;
Love and tears for the blue,
Tears and love for the gray.
Harrisonburg, June 11th, 1869.
(Column 03)Summary: This letter from J.B. Baldwin supports the candidacy of Robert A. Gray for Congress. While Baldwin recalls his difference of opinion with Gray during the war years, he now claims Gray, who is not restricted by disabilities and eligible to take a Congressional seat if elected, certainly has Virginia's best interests in mind. Despite Gray's Republican leanings, he would be a far better representative than a Radical.
Full Text of Article:"The New Movement"
Staunton, June 26th, 1869.
Dear Sir.--I suppose there can be no doubt the Walker party have it in their power to elect a representative to Congress from this District, but I fear they are about to let the Radicals take control of the District, almost without a struggle.
The whole Walker movement is founded, if I understand it, upon a determination, frankly and fairly to accept the situation and in all respects to make the best of it.
To elect a man to Congress who, by the Constitution and laws of the United States, is prohibited to hold any office State or Federal, would seem to be flying in the face of the national authority, and would give Congress a substantial reason not only to reject our Representative, but to disregard all votes cast for him, and to give the place to his Radical opponent.
If Mr. Conrad, or Judge Harris were eligible to Congress there would be no objection to either of them, though there would be a serious objection to the running of both at the same time. The election of either now, would be simply to hand over the District to the Wells Radicals, for it could hardly be supposed that Congress would remove the disabilities of a Conservative in order to let him take a seat in Congress which a Radical wanted. I had hoped that the Convention called to meet in Harrisonburg, on Monday last, would settle this matter by giving us one eligible Candidate for which all the Walker men could vote, and I have abstained from any agency in the matter for the reason that Mr. Robert A. Gray, the only candidate who is eligible under the Constitution is a near connection and personal friend in whose behalf I disliked to make any public demonstration. As matters now stand, I can see no course left for the Walker men of the district, but to elect Mr. Gray, and to give him such a united vote as to insure the defeat of any Wells Radical who, at the last moment, may be sprung upon us. I have already said that Mr. Gray is a near connection and personal friend of mine. It may not be improper for me to say in addition that while I have not concurred in his opinions, or approved his course during the war, I have always known him to be earnest, and consistent in his union sentiments, and that he is one of the few men in the State who can honestly take the test oath. Since the war, he has, though a Republican in his politics, been earnest, and outspoken in his Virginia sympathies, and he was one of the first to fall into the Walker movement. He has the capacity to make a good Representative, and, if elected, I do not doubt that he would truly, and fairly represent the feelings, and wishes, and interests of the real people of Virginia.
I hope it will be the pleasure of the people of the District to solve the difficulty in which we are placed, by electing Mr. Gray.
Yours, truly, John B. Baldwin.
To James D. Davidson, Lexington Va.
Conservative papers in the District requested to copy before the election.
(Column 03)Summary: This article offers a critique of Col. Baldwin's recent letter supporting his Brother-in-law, Gray, for a Congressional seat. With a great deal of skepticism, the author points out a number of issues that could mislead a voter, including the lack of opposition from a Republican and the unusual timing of the letter. The article recommends that the voter disregard the sentiments of one individual with obvious personal motives and vote "their own" sentiments.
Full Text of Article:To the Voters of Augusta
COL. BALDWIN SPEAKS:
If any thing could be regarded as singular and unheard of these days, it would be the letter of Col. Baldwin, to the people of this District, advising them to vote for his brother-in-law Gray, for Congress. First--strange that any man should presume to direct all the voters of the District; second--stranger still that he should overlap the bounds of delicacy and direct them to vote for his brother-in-law. Moreover it is singular that the letter is published just in time for the last issue of each paper in the District, thus giving no time for reply before the election. This letter is not less remarkable in its statements of facts. For instance, in the first sentence it says "I fear they (The Walker party) are about to let Radicals take control of the District without a struggle." From this, the reader would infer there was a Republican in the field. When the fact is, that on last Friday they were to have had a Convention at this place to nominate a candidate and not a single delegate from any other county attended and nothing was done. Consequently they have no Candidate and Col. Baldwin knows that, for he says further on, A Wells Radical "may at the last moment be sprung upon us."--Again he assumes Mr. Conrad is a candidate in the face of the fact that he is not regularly announced in any paper in the District and that in answer to a letter requesting him to run and make an active canvas he answered, saying he would not canvas, but placing his names in the hands of gentlemen written to, the letter published the correspondence, without announcing him and then the matter ends except two Winchester papers have his names at their heads. I refer to the papers of the District for this. So Col. Baldwin creates the necessity by making two candidates in order to call upon the people to avoid the dilemma by voting for his "near connection." Again Col. Baldwin announces this to be law. "To elect a man to Congress who by the Constitution and laws of the United States, is prohibited to hold office, State or Federal, would seem to be flying in the face of the national authority (how deferential all at once to the national authority!) and would give Congress a substantial reason not only to reject our representative but to disregard all votes cast for him, and to give place to his radical opponent." This Col. Baldwin announces to be Constitutional law, that if an eligible man receives one hundred votes and his ineligible opponent receive 25,000, the former would be entitled to the seat. For mark, he says it would afford Congress a substantial reason.--In the discussion of Constitutional questions how can a reason be substantial not founded in law. This doctrine is in the face of every decision on the subject. He makes this assertion too, in the face of the fact that a number of southern men have been elected to Congress since the war with disabilities and admitted to their seats. For instance P.M. Young, a Confederate General and a Conservative from Georgia, was admitted to his seat, and further in the face of this fact, during the last winter Mr. Payne of Wisconsin offered a resolution covering precisely Col. Baldwin's view of the law. To wit: that the eligible candidate should be declared elected and disregarding the votes cast for the Candidate under disabilities. This resolution was referred and never heard of again. So Congress refused to do exactly what Col. Baldwin says they will do. The Col. ought to look into the proceedings of Congress a little before he makes such sweeping assertions. As to his "near connection" and his "capacity to make a good representative." I have nothing to say. I have ceased to notice him.
In conclusion I appeal to the people of the district to vote their sentiments without regard to Col. Baldwin or any body else. Let him vote his own sentiments but not undertake to vote yours. Washington issued the first address of warning to the people, Col. Baldwin the second! I will be pardoned for stating that it is the first time in the history of this District, that any one man had voluntarily undertaken to influence in behalf of another a whole District of freemen--all his peers in political rights and privileges. The time was, and is yet, in some countries, when Kings ordered their "near connections" to high places and ordered their subjects at will, but that time, thank God! has not come to us yet. The fewest number of men ever known to take the Old Dominion on their shoulders was "NINE" but it seems now the honors are divided out and one is to say who is to go to Congress. If the Col. had called a "Committee of Nine" on me, the thing would be serious, but when it comes down to a Committee of one, I beg to be excused from regarding it. Col. Baldwin having said, if I were eligible there would be no objection to me, I hope after reading my cards on that subject, the people will concur with him and give me their untold support.
(Column 04)Summary: John T. Harris, candidate for Congress, addresses Augusta voters to reassure them that he will be able to legally take his seat if elected.
(Names in announcement: John T. Harris)
(Column 01)Summary: Col. Baldwin addressed by invitation the African American community on Saturday.[No Title]
(Names in announcement: Col. Baldwin)
(Column 01)Summary: Edward Sears, newly appointed postmaster at Staunton, began work in his new position on July 1st.[No Title]
(Names in announcement: Edward Sears)
(Column 01)Summary: Gen. Van Wyck of New York will address the people of Staunton on behalf of Gov. Wells.[No Title]
(Column 01)Summary: Templeton's Operetta Troupe is playing to packed houses in Staunton. "Their performances are good and unexceptionable. Ladies can visit them with impunity."[No Title]
(Column 01)Summary: The Republicans nominated the following for County Ticket: John Yates for Senate; A. T. Maupin, Henry K. Eakle, and John H. Kerlin for House of Delegates.[No Title]
(Names in announcement: John Yates, A. T. Maupin, Henry K. Eakle, John H. Kerlin)
(Column 01)Summary: The paper asserts that William Milnes of Page County, appointed by the people of Augusta to serve as candidate for Congress, will receive support from throughout the Valley.[No Title]
(Column 01)Summary: The Wesleyan Female Institute held closing exercises. They featured music and addresses including the valedictory address by Jessie Davis and the salutatory address by Miss H. Virginia Stump. A list of graduates is included.Commencement at the Virginia Female Institute
(Names in announcement: H. Virginia Stump, Jessie Davis, Minnie Barton, Mary C. Bruce, Mattie Boswell, Mary Gray Brooke, Mary Coe, Laura Cunningham, Kate Finnell, Ellett, Bettie Fretwell, Gussie Fitch, Alice V. Heizer, Lucy Harris, Hannah Henderson, Mary Hyde, Gussie Hobbs, Jennie Hobbs, Mary S. Hough, Henrietta McNeel, Ella McNeer, Sue Lantz, Ella McKinnon, Viola McGuffin, Annie Noon, Irene Owings, Sallie Patterson, Mary Powers, Jennie K. Pitzer, Sallie Routt, Julia Ross, Florence Rapp, Sallie Rapp, Bettie Reese, Jennie Stump, Kate Shuff, Ella Tanquary, Nannie Trimble, Kate Trotter, Alice Walsh, Janetta Cline, Mollie Dear, Annie Deffenbaugh, Alice V. Hiser, Roberta Maupin, Eudora O. Padget, Lou M. Ruff, Alice E. Sherman, Mattie Smith, H. V. Stump, Laura J. Strasburg, Haywood Trotter, Ida Weaver, Alice G. Walsh, Sue Foutz, Georgia Jenkins, Henrietta McMullen, Irene Owings, Kate McK Pitzer, Mattie Statton, Olivia Talbott, Phoebe Veitch, Ellen Lantz, Sue Lantz, Mollie Dear, Bettie Fretwell)
(Column 02)Summary: The Virginia Female Institute held closing exercises on July 7th. The festivities included a number of musical performances and an address by Judge H. W. Sheffey.Masonic Celebration
(Names in announcement: Prof. Ide, Prof. August Ide, Judge H. W. Sheffey)
(Column 02)Summary: Staunton Lodge No. 13 celebrated St. John's Day on Thursday. Delegates from posts throughout the Valley also attended. The occasion included a procession, prayers, addresses, and a dinner. The Stonewall Band and the Knights Templar also participated.Result of Registration in Augusta County
(Names in announcement: Rev. George Brooke, Rev. I. Randolph Finley, H. M. Bell)
(Column 03)Summary: This table and brief explanation illustrates the white majority in the various voting districts throughout the county.
Full Text of Article:Married
The following table presents the result of the late registration in this county.Wh. Added Col. Added Total Added Wh. Deducted Col. Deducted Total Deduction Nett Gain 1st Precinct Staunton 318 81 206 37 26 63 233 2nd Precinct Staunton 158 64 222 58 34 92 130 3rd Precinct Middlebrook 132 32 164 16 0 16 146 4th Precinct Greenville 145 35 180 43 10 53 127 5th Precinct Waynesboro 143 40 183 39 6 45 138 6th Precinct New Hope 120 17 137 46 1 47 90 7th Precinct Mt. Sidney 135 6 141 17 0 17 124 8th Precinct Mt. Solon 97 8 105 26 1 27 78 9th Precinct Churchville 124 21 145 18 6 24 121 Totals 1289 304 1573 300 84 384 1189 Total White Gain 969 Colored Gain 220 Nett White Gain 749
From this it will be seen that 1573 names have been added to the lists. Of these 300 white and 84 colored voters, had previously registered and were only registered on account of change of District, deducting which shows 1189 new names added to the list. Of these 969 were whites and 220 colored, leaving a white majority of 749.
In 1867 the number registered, after revision, was 4,767--whites 3,518, and colored 1,249, leaving a white majority of 2,269.Whites now registered. 4,487. Colored now registered 1,469. Total 5, 958. White majority 3,018.
(Column 03)Summary: H. F. Kennedy and Miss Barbara G. Miller, both of Augusta, were married in Staunton at the residence of Joseph Earman by the Rev. William E. Baker.Married
(Names in announcement: H. F. Kennedy, Barbara G. Miller, Joseph Earman, Rev. William E. Baker)
(Column 03)Summary: Henry Mish and Miss Melissa A. Brownlee, both of Augusta, were married near Greenville on June 17th by the Rev. P. Fletcher.Married
(Names in announcement: Henry Mish, Melissa A. Brownlee, Rev. P. Fletcher)
(Column 03)Summary: Samuel K. Myers and Miss Geraldine F. Ruebush, both of Augusta, were married near Greenville on June 17th by the Rev. C. Dameron.Died
(Names in announcement: Samuel K. Myers, Geraldine F. Ruebush, Rev. C. Dameron)
(Column 03)Summary: Sarah Margaret Hanger, wife of Dr. D. W. Hanger and daughter of Col. Franklin and Nancy A. McCue, died in Augusta County on June 2nd. She was 31 years old.
(Names in announcement: Sarah Margaret Hanger, Dr. D. W. Hanger, Col. Franklin McCue, Nancy A. McCue)