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Valley Spirit: February 22, 1860 Go To Page : 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 |

Great Speech of Stephen A. Douglas on Harper's Ferry Invasion
(Column 01)

Summary: Speech of Douglas on January 23, supporting legislation allowing federal intervention in the case of a raid across state lines to rescue John Brown. Douglas also discusses Lincoln's assertion that the country cannot exist half-slave and half-free, and argues that it is needless inflammation of sectional tension.

Two Views of the Case
(Column 03)

Summary: Story making fun of the short-sightedness of Northern abolitionists.

Need of a Tariff
(Column 1)

Full Text of Article:

It seems like a work of supererogation to attempt to urge upon Congress the necessity for a good, wise, protective tariff. The first principle of nature -self-preservation- should furnish the one great, powerful argument in favor of remodeling the present nominal impost laws -amounting almost to Free Trade. The fact that every branch of productive industry is completely paralyzed; that all classes of society are suffering from the effects of the ruinous policy of Federalist locofocoism -which produced the terrible panic in the financial world during the Fall of 1857, as a necessary result of destroying the manufactories of our own, to build up those of foreign countries -should open the eyes of the blindest, and shine in upon the most obtuse intellect in the lower House; as these facts set forth, unmistakably, the imperative demand for action, by that body, on this all important topic.

If, however, any further incentive were needed; any greater light required to clear away the mistiness which beclouds the brains of locofoco, Federalist politicians; if any stronger reasons are necessary to convince all men everywhere, throughout our country, of the necessity, the absolute, immediate, requirement for a thorough readjustment of the revenue laws, so as to discriminate in favor of and protect American made goods from the ruinous competition of the productions of pauper labor on the other side of the Atlantic, we think the following will suffice. If is clipped from a late number of the London Times:

"The importation of cotton into this country has, since the import duty was abolished, increased sixteen fold. Having been 63,000,000 lbs., it is now 1,000,000,000 lbs. This is one of those giant facts which stands head and shoulders higher than the crowd -so high and so broad that we can neither overlook it nor affect not to see it. It proves the existence of a thousand smaller facts that must stand under its shadow. It tells of sixteen times as many mills, sixteen times as many English families living by working those mills, sixteen times as much profit derived from sixteen times as much capital engaged in this manufacture. It carries after it sequences of increased quantity of freights and insurances, and necessities for sixteen time the amount of customers to consume, to our profit, the immense amount of produce we are turning out. There are not many such facts as these, arising in the quiet routine of industrial history. It is so large and so steady that we can steer our national policy by it; it is so important to us that we should be reduced to embarrassment if it were suddenly to disappear. It teaches us to persevere in a policy which has produced so wonderful a result; its beneficent operation makes it essential to us to deal carefully with it now that we have got it."

What a commentary on the blindness and folly of the wise-acres of locofoco federalism? England's leading organ boasts of the free importation of cotton into British ports as resulting in the increase of industry throughout Great Britain sixteen fold. The greater part of this raw material was grown upon American soil.--Its manufacture at home would have given constant employment to sixteen workmen at home, and perhaps more, for one now employed without that raw material to work up. English journalists proclaim to the world the secret of British prosperity; showing that industry promoted is the chief source of their success, and yet other nations, whose people are equally as dependent upon the labor of their country, see these statements, believe in their truthfulness, and foolishly refuse to apply the proper remedy, although suffering unheard of privations in consequence of Governmental neglect.

The policy of Great Britain, controlled as the Times says by the effects produced upon the masses of her people, is to abolish duties or increase Tariffs in proportion to the benefit thereof upon English manufactured wares seeking a market upon British soil, the law-makers lost no time in placing upon the statute Books of her majesty's realm such laws as the people demanded. Here, however, where the people are, or profess to be, the real sovereigns, the loud earnest demands and supplicating appeals of the masses to their servants, the Representatives in both branches of Congress, do not seem to weigh a feather with these dignitaries, elevated for a brief period by the votes of the thousands whom they heartlessly refuse to relieve.

We are well aware that there are noble, honorable exceptions to this rule; that there are a large number of the present Congress who are anxious to arrest the madness of the system of transporting all our raw material to foreign work shops to be made up, as is now the case, and who will vote for any fair, honest Tariff laws; bur our surprise is that any American citizen; any lover of his country, can be found so blind as not to see the necessity of prompt action in the present crisis.

The disgraceful notice of the departure of a vessel for England, with a certain number of passengers, and upwards of an hundred thousand dollars in gold and silver, which meets the indignant eye of the constant reader of daily papers, almost every few weeks, will be forever disposed of if Congress makes the necessary arrangements for keeping the precious metals at home; by passing laws for the protection of home labor -which will keep the money at home also.

The Valiant Hickman
(Column 03)

Summary: Describes the cowardice of Representative Hickman when he was beaten with a switch by a Virginia Representative.

Abolition Delicacy
(Column 04)

Summary: Attacks Maria Child for her support of John Brown.

The Caledonia Railroad
(Column 05)

Summary: Argues that the movement for a new railroad is not to compete with the existing railroad, but to give Chambersburg the resources it deserves as an expanding economic center.

Origin of Article: Repository & Transcript

Full Text of Article:

There is an erroneous opinion entertained by many persons in regard to the recent movement at Fayetteville, for the extension of the Gettysburg Railroad to Chambersburg which for the sake of brevity may be styled the Caledonia Railroad. It is supposed that that movement has originated in a split of rivalry with the C. V. R. R. This upon an examination with the trade and travel of this valley, will prove to be a misconception of the object.

The C. V. R. R., it is true, is one of the oldest roads in the State, and for judicious management, &c., it is one of the best, and will, no doubt, be ever beneficial to the public and profitable to its stockholders, in carrying the trade that legitimately belongs to it; but as a great deal of the produce of this and adjoining Counties, passes to market in a different direction from that in which the C. V. R. R. lies, it becomes necessary now to make another railroad in such direction as may best accommodate this trade.

The Baltimore trade had been carried over the turnpikes in wagons until the construction of the Baltimore and Susquehanna R. R.; since the opening of that road, it has been sent over the circuitous Railroad route, via Harrisburg, for the simple reason that a long Railroad is better than a short Turnpike.

The extension of the Railroad to Gettysburg has opened a direct Railroad connection with the Eastern Cities, which is the shortest route for produce, &c., of Franklin Co., to be shipped to market. The making of the Caledonia Road will give the people of this and other counties, all the advantages of this short route, without the necessity of hauling so far in wagons.

From Fayetteville on the Caledonia route, there is a favorable natural route for the location of a Railroad to Waynesboro, which on account of its connection with the County seat, its easy grades and straight lines, may yet prove the cheapest and most practicable route to that wealthy and enterprising section of the valley. With admiration of the spirit of enterprise that has attempted to overcome so formidable a barrier as the mountain on the Gettysburg and Waynesboro' route, it may be stated that the public have no practical assurance of that route being at all favorable, for indeed, the most skilful engineering can do little else than to lay down a series of reversed curves which would be equivalent to a high grade or to perforate the mountain by tunnelling that would burden the company with an enormous debt.

But no place is so much interested in the construction of the Caledonia Road, as Chambersburg, and as that hateful stereotyped ideas of having the monopoly of a railroad terminus, has at last been destroyed--the relaying of the Franklin Railroad has punctured that bubble--and the delusive notion that trade must come to Chambersburg, and by which the public have so long been lulled into a quiet indifference, has of late been dissipated, by finding the trade passing off to other roads, the people are awakening to their interests; they find that Chambersburg with its present population, and with its manufactories in steel, iron, wood, & c., has as much need now of another railroad as it had years ago, need of more than one stage line. By means of this Caledonia railroad, Chambersburg can regain the trade that for the want of proper facilities is now forced to Hancock on the B. O. R. R., to Hopewell on the M. B. T. R. R. and to Mt. Union and Perrysville on the Central Pennsylvania Railroad.

In conclusion let it be distinctly understood that the present movement is merely a step toward the construction of a railroad that will be advantageous to all parties of this county, and let it be remembered that the Southern Pennsylvania Railroad route of which this Caledonia project is but a link is no new thing--not only had it been traced by nature through the mountain long before Packer's Path was blazed, or its wagon road was Macadamized, but also was it contemplated a feasible railroad route, shortly after the introduction of railroading. The advantages of its construction will be general, so closely united with its success is the commercial interest of many of the Southern counties of Pennsylvania.

The prosperity of these counties demands that this railroad be made. All things connected with its past and present history tell us that it will be made. It remains for the people to say how soon.
J. B. M.
Fayetteville, Feb. 10, 1860.

Chambersburg and Gettysburg Railroad
(Column 01)

Summary: Meeting proposed to add Waynesboro onto possible routes to be connected to the proposed road from Gettysburg to Chambersburg.
(Names in announcement: Major H. Hughes)

Franklin Railroad
(Column 02)

Summary: Reply to articles in an unnamed newspaper which countered the Valley Spirit's assertions that the Franklin Railroad was applying its rates unfairly. The editors claim they are writing impartially and for the benefit of their readers.

Full Text of Article:

Our article of last week relative to the rates of fare fixed for carrying passengers over this road has raised a perfect howl among the "dead-head" and "toadies" of the company, and its windy "organ" contains only two communications, and about as many editorial notices in reply, with a promise of something more--"very spicy"--this week! Verily the shoe must have pinched or there would not be so much outcry. We thank the peculiar friends of the road for the seal they have manifested in bringing this matter so prominently before the public. We could hardly have expected such a favor--for favor we certainly esteem it--uninfluenced by extraneous considerations. It is, as every body knows, an awkward business--to say nothing about honesty--to defend and bolster up a grasping corporation in its attempts to trample upon the rights of a community, in the very teeth of the law, and no sane man will engage in it unless his self-interest is in some way made to get the better of his judgement. We hope in this instance the company and its champions understand each other and that it may never have cause to exclaim "save me from my friends!"

We have never tried our hand at heaping fulsome praise on everybody connected with this road. We did not suppose that gentleman of intelligence would be tickled with that sort of thing, and for their sakes are sorry to see it essayed; it looks suspicious and indicates a lamentable lack of brains in some quarter. The article of Mr. "Forty Cents" is a small attempt in this way but so small as to be hardly worthy of notice. There is nothing in it, and if its authors head be as devoid of brains as his production is of argument, there will be little lost to mankind when he "steps out." We desire him to understand that this is said "lovingly." He thinks our remarks "unkind." They were not so intended and whatever he may think about them will fail to pervert them to suit his purpose. He has heard them "condemned;" we have not, but on the contrary we have heard them generally approved. He thinks them in "bad taste," we don't for according to our notion it is never in "bad taste" to condemn a wrong, and we would, at anytime, rather know that we were RIGHT than split hairs about a matter of taste. He thinks we should have "waited," we think not, as the best time to nip error is in the "bud." He thinks we do not reflect the "Spirit" of the "Valley," we are quite sure we reflect the "Spirit of the Law" and that is enough for our purpose.

Having disposed of the "lovingly" "FORTY CENTS," for the present only we trust, we will now turn to Mr. "JUSTICE" who sets himself up as legal expounder for the company. We are considerably surprised at the number of blunders he has made in the law and the facts.--We would have supposed that the company would have intrusted its case in abler hands, for a bad cause always requires skilful management. We will charitably believe that his statements are made through ignorance, for we would be loath to suppose that a motive could be found to induce any one to attempt to deceive the public by such misrepresentations. He says that the 14th Section of the Act, incorporating the Franklin Rail Road, which prohibits the charging of more than three cents per mile for carrying passengers, "seems" to mean that when other persons run the Cars, the Company shall not charge them more than those rates. Such a construction is in direct conflict with the language of the Section, which says, "the said Company may charge and take toll for the transportation of passengers, any sum not exceeding three cents per mile for each passenger." Individuals were to be allowed to put their cars upon the road and carry freight, but it was not then contemplated that other parties should transport passengers.

The second point made by "Justice" is that the general railroad law of 1849, allows companies to prescribe the rates they will charge for freight and passengers. That is true with certain limitations, to which we will presently refer, but how does that help the matter? By the Act of the 9th of April, 1856, the State resumed all the rights and privileges previously conferred upon this company, and by the Act of the 12th of May, 1857, appointed Commissioners to "sell and convey the rail road aforesaid, with all the rights and privileges belonging to the same, so that the purchaser or purchasers shall have and enjoy all the rights and privileges that said Company had and passed under their Act of Incorporation, or under any supplement there to."

The 3d Section of this Act authorized the C. V. R. R. Company, or any other R. R. Co., individual or association of individuals to purchase the road and upon receiving and recording a Deed for the same, provides that they shall be invested with the rights, powers and privileges heretofore conferred, and be subject to all the liabilities and restrictions enjoined upon the Franklin R. R. Company, and the Chambersburg, Greencastle and Hagerstown R. R. Company, by their acts of incorporation and the several supplements thereto.

Now this means something--and what? Simply to give whoever might buy the road all the rights and privileges, and subject him or them to all the restrictions connected with it. The Act of Assembly relating to the road had not been repealed by the Act of 1856. The privileges and franchises of the company had merely been resumed by the State, and these latter went with the Deed to the purchasers. The manner of electing officers and continuing the existence of the company is prescribed in the Act of Incorporation passed in 1832, and the supplement passed in 1859, and was not at all effected by the General Railroad Law in 1849. That is entirely different in all its important provisions, and applies solely to companies incorporated after its passage and made subject to it in terms. It does not apply to this company, and suppose it did, the charges it allows for carrying passengers does not come up to those now charged on this road. It is folly in any one to say that the general railroad law repealed the 14th Section of the Act incorporating this company. It repealed nothing, for there is no repealing clause in it.

"Justice" admits that the present Franklin Railroad Company was organized under the Act of 1859. In that we agree. We also agree that the Company has all the rights and privileges, and is subject to all the restrictions imposed upon the old Franklin Railroad Company, except such as were before that time repealed, or are inconsistent with that Act. We have shown that this restriction was not repealed by the General Railroad Law, when then was it repealed? We would like "Justice" to inform us, for public satisfaction. Neither is it inconsistent with the provisions of the Act of 1859--because nothing is said in that Act, or in any other Act relative to this company, about the rate to be charged on freight and passengers.

We would also like "Justice" to point out what part of the Act of 1859 gives this company the benefits of the law of 1849.

The third position taken by quasi "Justice" is simply ridiculous. The provisions of the charter and supplements of the C. V. Railroad are not now, and never were designed to be extended over the Franklin Road unless that Company became its purchaser. A correct reading of the 3d and 7th Sections of the Act of 1857 (pamphlet laws, pages 478-9) will show that in "that case" alone was such an extension to take place. The C. V. R. Road Company never did by, and therefore the legislation fell to the ground.

But now a word in relation to our position, and we have done. We referred to the matter of over charge, because it was our right and we thought it our duty. We felt, and feel yet, kindly towards the owners of this road, and have frequently spoken favorably of them and their enterprise through our paper. But because we did not see proper to pass by in silence an act which was evidently illegal and would work manifest injustice to the traveling public we have fallen under the ban of the powers that would be. We do not mean the company for they are "all honorable men" but the toadies that hover round them for the sake of a free ride or other small favors. Such considerations will not induce us to alter our course. We have no toadyism to bestow on any man, or set of men, when the public good demands of us, as public journalists, to speak out and guard its rights.--We very well know that it is often better and cheaper to submit to wrong than to struggle for right--and such is the case with the passengers on the Franklin Railroad. The position taken by the company or its agents is wrong and they should voluntarily correct the error.

Meeting
(Column 04)

Summary: Meeting of Democrats of Guilford Township for purpose of choosing delegates for a township ticket for the spring elections.
(Names in announcement: Jacob Wingert)