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Valley Spirit: June 12, 1867 Go To Page : 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 |

The New Liquor Law
(Column 6)

Summary: Reports on the passage of the "Sunday Liquor Law" and the "Gettysburg Asylum Bill," both of which, the article claims, were approved through dubious means.
(Names in announcement: Stumbaugh)

Full Text of Article:

HARRISBURG, May 28.

Two laws passed by the last Legislature of Pennsylvania have excited much comment. These are the Sunday liquor law, known as "an act to enable police officers to enforce order in licensed houses, and to exterminate the unlicensed traffic," and "An act to incorporate the Gettysburg Asylum for invalid solders, and to raise funds therefor, and for the securing and preserving of the battleground at Gettysburg."

A full explanation of the manner in which they passed the Legislature is hereto appended.

An act was introduced into the Legislature in February 18, 1867 to "Regulate the granting of licenses to eating houses and taverns in the County of Allegheny, and to enforce order therein." This became a law. On March 1, some person took a printed copy of the Allegheny, County bill (as above), and with a pair of scissors cut out eleven sections and pasted them on a sheet of paper. But the artist evidently became dissatisfied with his own work for he drew his pen through one of the sections and blotted it out thus leaving ten , which constitute the present liquor law. The section which was blotted out was in these words: "Every person who shall be convicted of fraudulently adulterating, for the purpose of sale, any substance intended for food, or any wine, whiskey, or other spirituous liquors, ale or beer, with any substance injurious to health, or who shall sell or offer for sale any such adulterated or poisonous food or drink, knowing it to be such, and the same come to the knowledge of the Board of Excise (police), it shall be their duty to report such case to the proper magistrate, as directed in section-of this act."

The ten printed sections having been pasted in order, Senator Bingham, of Pittsburgh, wrote over the top of them the title of the newly constructed bill, viz: "An act to enable police officers to enforce order in licensed houses and to exterminate the unlicensed traffic."

This bill was then introduced into the Senate on March 1, by Mr. Bingham, and was referred to the Committee on Vice and Immorality.

On the morning of March 14 Mr. Worthington, from the Committee, reported the bill back to the Senate without any amendment.

The patched-up printed bill was then sent to the State Printing office, whence it emerged in good shape and was put upon the files in front of each member. On April 2 the consideration of public bills was made the order in the Senate, and the bill of Mr. Bigham came up. It is usual with public measure to go into committee of the whole for purposes of amendment.-This was dispensed with and the bill was passed, without discussion (not finally, to a third reading, merely by a viva voce vote, without any call of the yeas and nays.

On April 4, bills on the third readings were considered and that of Mr. Bigham was passed finally by a vote of 18 yeas to 10 nays.

The only Philadelphia Senator voting in favor of it was George Connell, of the Fourth District.

The Philadelphia Senators voting against it were Ridgewood and Donovan. Absent, McCandless.

The yeas and nays were required by Schall (of Allentown) and Bigham (of Pittsburgh), and were as follows:

In favor of the bill-Bigham, of Allegheny; Browne, of Lawrence; Brown of Mercer; Coleman, of Lebanon; Connell, of Philadelphia; Cowles of Potter; Fisher, of Lancaster; Laudon, of Bradford; McConaughy, of Adams; Royer of Somerset; Taylor,of Beaver; White, of Indiana; Worthington, of Chester; and Hall, of Blair.-18. Republicans 17; Democrat 1.

Against the bill-Burnett, of Monroe; Davis, of Berks; Donovan, of Philadelphia; Glatz of York; James, of Bucks; Randall, of Schuykill; Ridgway of Philadelphia; Schall, of Lehigh; Searight, of Fayette; and Wallace, of Clearfield.-Republicans 1; Democrats 9.

On April 5 the bill was sent from the Senate into the House, and by the special motion of some one (the records give no clue to the person was laid on the table, instead of taking the usual course, and being sent to a committee.

On April 9 the House took up one hundred and fifth-six bills for consideration, and passed or otherwise disposed of them by their titles! They were all "private bills," of local or individual interest, except the liquor bill, which, under the rules, had no legal place among them, being a "public bill." The minute book of the House, however, records it as having passed along with the rest, and the minute book is evidence which cannot be gainsayed. It is apparent, from a close inspection of this minute book, that the bill when its title was reached in numerical order, was not at first considered, but that the Speaker or clerks, or House overlooked it (unintentionally or willfully), and after the lapses of some little time and the transaction of other business, returned to it, and passed it by its title.

As an evidence that "Public Bills" had no right to be considered on that day is the fact that at the same session another bill (No. 29) was objected to by a member because it was of a public character. The Speaker recognized the force of the suggestion, but decided that the bill in question was a "private" one, and it was, therefore, considered. Had it been "public" it would have been the duty of the Speaker to have ruled it out of order. By what meanse a general liquor law, affecting the whole State, was inserted on Private Calendar day, between an act to regulate a street in the Borough of Minersville, and an act to authorize the Lehigh Navigation Company to issue bonds, is a mystery which the members of the House may explain if they can. The Clerk, whose handwriting on the original bill declares it to have passed, is dead.

The Legislative Record (the official newspaper of the Legislature) has not one word to show that the bill was ever considered on April 9.

If the bill did pass on the private calendar on Tuesday, it was passed in an improper manner-at an unusual time, (Thursday, and not Tuesday, was public bill day,) and in direct violation of Rule 36 of the House, which declares that bills "shall be read in Committee of the Whole," so as to allow necessary amendments.

The bill was signed by the Governor on its merits alone, it being no part of his duty to inquire into the manner of its passage or to doubt the correctness of the certified copy furnished him by the clerks.

In conclusion, it may be given as the opinion of the writer, that if the Legislature violates its own rules, there is no power vested in any other tribunal to inquire into the facts, the clerks' books of the two houses being the only legal evidence by which the passage of a bill can be determined; and the entry in such books being prima facie evidence that every rule of the House was compiled with-in other words, the House must sustain the acts and entries of its official agents, the clerks, whether said acts were in conformity with the usual rules, or in violation of them.

The following are the facts relative to the passage of the "Gettysburg Asylum" (lottery) bill. They are from the official records:

February 27-(Morning Session).-Senator McConaughy, of Adams County, introduced "An act to incorporate the Gettysburg Asylum for Invalid Soldiers, and to raise funds therefor, and for the securing and preserving of the battle-ground at Gettysburg," It was referred to the Committee on Corporations. The majority of the members and the press reporters considering it to be a local bill for a patriotic object, and neglecting for that reason to examine it carefully.

February 27-(Morning Session).-Senator McConaughy moved to discharge the Corporation Committee from the further consideration of the bill, (Note.-The corporation Committee had never considered it, nor had it in their actual possession), and moved to suspend the rules.

Senator Randall objected, whereupon Mr. McConaughy said:

Mr. Speaker, this bill is to establish an asylum for invalid soldiers.

On suspending the rules to consider the bill the yeas were 21 and nays 8. The bill then passed.

It is questionable whether the majority of the Senators knew that the bill was a public one, for almost instantaneously after its passage, Mr. Wallace arose and said:

Mr. Speaker, it seems to me that we should devote some little attention to public business.

February 28 the bill was messaged to the House.

March 1 (next day) Mr. Stumbaugh of Franklin County moved to suspend the orders and consider the bill, and it passed the House finally without yeas or nays, or a word of inquiry, debate, or explanation.

At least two Philadelphia members must have been present, and allowed the bill to have passed without calling the yeas and nays, for almost immediately afterwards a motion was made by Mr. Lee, of Frankford, to adjourn, and one by Mr. Davis, to postpone the consideration of another bill.

February 28 the bill was sent back to the Senate.

March 6, compared and sent to the Governor.

March 8, approved by the Governor and became a law.

The bill was never printed in its passage through either house, and could be seen by no one except by a personal appeal to the courtesy of the clerks, and it is not within the recollection of the majority of Representatives that it was ever read in the House except by its title.

All the above facts are gathered from and based upon the official records at Harrisburg, after a thorough and searching examination.

Developments! The Last Pennsylvania Legislature
(Column 7)

Summary: The article offers a scathing account of the machinations hatched during the last session of the legislature.

Origin of Article: Philadelphia Inquirer

Full Text of Article:

PHILADELPHIA, May 27.

Eds. Philadelphia Inquirer:

Since the adjournment of the session of the Pennsylvania Legislature of 1867, the public press has denounced it as venal and corrupt.

To the astonishment of the people, it appears that laws were privately enacted, of which no notice was taken in the newspapers of the day at the time of their passage. To the equal astonishment of some members of the Legislature, laws were made of which, they knew absolutely nothing until long after the adjournment.

These things seem to require an explanation. As the agent of a newspaper at Harrisburg during the session, allow me to make that explanation in distinct and explicit terms. It has never been so opportune as at the present time when honorable men throughout the State are endeavering to find a remedy for legislative corruption.

The session of 1867 opened without the discussion of any measure of particular importance, except the Free Railroad law.-No rival corporations were in the field to urge "special" legislation. Every appearance indicated a dull winter.

If it be true that many members had spent large sums in securing their nomination and election, their prospects at the time obtaining a return must have looked gloomy. Yet one recourse appeared to be left. If the people would not seek the law makers, the law makers could seek the people.

Forthwith ingenious men devised a plausible system of making business. They appointed committees with varied powers.-In jocular legislative circles they were called "smelling committees." The ostensible object of their appointment was always "to ascertain if such and such evil existed, with power to send for persons and papers, and to report &c." Armed with this authority, they went out into the Sate from Erie to the Delaware. They investigated the greatest variety of subjects from the private books of a well known capitalist to the price of oil on Sugar Creek. To prominent railroad managers they came like hawks upon a brood of chickens. Each committee resolved itself into one great mark of interrogation, and placed its formidable "why, how, when and where" before the victim, who tremblingly obeyed his demands as the great seal of the Commonwealth, with "Virtue, Liberty and Independence." blazoned upon it, was thrust before his eyes. These peregrinating, investigating, fragmentary, legislative excursionists had all their expenses paid by the State. What good thing did they do?

If they were really appointed for any legitimate purpose, they never once achieved it. If they found any evil it still exists for in no single case did they ever remedy it. If they where designed to secure good legislation on any subject, they never succeeded in the effort. They were of no possible use to the people, whatever benefit may have accrued to the committees.

This was one form of legislation that was more than equivocal. There was another equally bad, if not worse. Many members became speculators. Although originally sent by the people, to enact equal laws for all, they no sooner took their seats than they devised special bills, with their own friends, relatives and acquaintances named therein as incorporators. These bills were for many purposes, from the establishments of gold and silver mining companies, without enough land to bury a gold dollar, to the construction of immense railroads, without enough capital to buy one rail. The legislators of a great Commonwealth thus became law jobbers, with a stock on hand of charters to accommodate the market. It can readily be perceived that an act in which perhaps a dozen members were interested, was almost certain to be successfully passed. Not unfrequently these speculative laws (whether intrinsically or not) interfered with the vested rights of other parties, and became injurios to enterprises in which honorable men had expended years of toil and large amounts of money.

These two illustrations of the committee system are intended to give a correct idea of the general morality of the session of 1867, and these illustrations lead to a point about which the people know little or nothing, viz: The manner in which laws were made.

In mercantile business a man who signs a promissory note which binds his property without first reading it, is adjudged to be an idiot. In ordinary social life, a man who indorses an agreement without knowing its contents, is esteemed a knave or a madman. Yet the legislators of 1867, actually passed laws at the rate of thirty to the hour, without reading them except by their titles. To appreciate the enormity of this transaction it must be remembered that these laws were to govern the widow and the orphan, the beggar and the capitalist, men of all religious creeds, business, interests and connections. A solemn duty that of protecting the citizen in every right that humanity holds dear, thus degenerated into a farce.-Day after day, whole pages of printed titles were enacted into laws, without the contents of the bills being read.

But this farce was rendered even more ridiculous. To give a color of deliberation to the transaction, it was required in some cases that the person representing the Legislative District to which the bill (by its title) was supposed to refer should say, "All right!" Whereupon it passed. An immense majority thus delegated to some one man the exercise of their own duty, ability and judgement. Happy era of Arcadian simplicity, when such confidence exists among men in high position, and when the utterance of just two words, by just one man, will give to a half-dozen pages of unknown manuscript the majesty of a law, representing the will and controlling the actions of millions of people. Sarcastic, indeed, was the remark of a member of the House, that it would save time to pass the bills by their numbers , without the trouble of reading the titles.

This system produced its unavoidable results. Members, officers and reporters, became entangled in the maze. Nobody knew exactly what bills had passed, or what ones had fallen. The duty of the speakers and officers was merely executive, and they had neither the power or ability to resist the wishes of a majority which seemed determined to transform a deliberate body into a machine for turning out laws with lightning rapidity. To trace particular bills, and ascertain their exact condition was the labor of hours. They were numbered by the thousands, and it was not uncommon for more than one hundred new ones in rough manuscript, to be introduced at a single night session. At odd times, on the special request of some member, one or more of these would be considered and hurriedly passed, no particular interest being manifested by any one in the provisions of the new law. Amendments were piled upon amendments, and in one case, eight new sections were offered to a bill as a single amendment.

Not unfrequently after some apparently trifling bill had been printed for weeks, it would be modified two or three minutes before its passage by the substitution of an entirely new bill, with new provisions. It was quite common for a measure which had passed one House in harmless shape, to have some objectionable amendment quietly attached to it in the other branch. The English language was tortured to supply apparently harmless phrases which could afterwards be construed so as to confer immense powers. In one case a local corporation, nominally to operate in a little township, came very near being transformed into a mammoth organization, by adding the words "and elsewhere." In another case, under cover of a city railroad in Western village, was concealed a project to build a steam railroad anywhere in the State. The members of the Legislature of 1867 unquestionably knew that such practices were common at the very time they allowed bills to be passed by their title, under the "all right" system; yet they took no warning.

This is the way that laws were made at Harrisburg and this is the reason why many bills escaped the attention, not only of interested parties, but of the newspaper press at the time of their passage. Does any man wonder at it?

This communication leaves very much unsaid . Personalities are not needed to prove the effects of a bad system; but if any member feels aggrieved, let him ask himself whether the statements herein made are not literally true. Unless there is a reform, he and his pet projects may next year fall victims to the evil that he now indorses.-The people have a right to the better administration of legislative power. To obtain this, it does not necessarily follow that they need cast away men of any particular party or class, but only select from the candidates those who have shown themselves worthy of the trust. A few such men were at Harrisburg last winter, but they were not in the majority. Such men should be cherished as tender flowers, whose purity has enabled them to bloom in a garden where good things generally die young.

REPORTER.

Trailer: Reporter

[No Title]
(Column 1)

Summary: The editors urge Democratic journals around the country to abandon the recent trend of labeling Republicans as "Blockheads." Instead, they should continue to call them by the name given by the New York Herald: "Black Republicans." This "designation," they insist, "is peculiarly appropriate and truthful."

The Supreme Judgeship
(Column 1)

Summary: The editors support the nomination of George Sharwood, of Philadelphia, as candidate for Judge of the Supreme Court.

The Corruption of the Last Legislature
(Column 1)

Summary: In light of the recent revelations regarding the "extraordinary and alarming state of corruption among members of the Legislature," the editors advise citizens to "read, ponder, and reflect, and then go earnestly to work to apply the remedy at the polls next fall."

Full Text of Article:

We direct the attention of our readers to two communications to be found on the first page our paper to-day, giving a somewhat detailed account of the manner in which bills and "jobs" were put through the Legislature at Harrisburg last winter. The first appeared in the Philadelphia Inquirer , and was written by one who occupied the position of reporter during the session and consequently was personally cognizant of the facts, thereof. The other was doubtless also written by a reporter, and appeared in all the Philadelphia papers through the regular channel of the Associated Press.

These developments show a most extraordinary and alarming state of corruption among the members of the Legislature.-Hundreds of bills were rushed through without being read except by their titles, and these frequently giving no clue to their real contents, so that the members outside of the "ring" had no knowledge of the character of the Legislation that was being enacted.-All that was necessary was for one of the "ring" to say "all right," and the bill was passed under the whip and spur without a word of discussion. We call particular attention to the account given to the "Gettysburg Asylum" swindle, and the part played by a certain Senator and Representative from this District in that transaction. Citizens of Franklin County, read, ponder and reflect, and then go earnestly to work to apply the remedy at the polls next fall.

How Do You Like It?
(Column 1)

Summary: Discusses the recent election in Washington, where blacks were allowed to vote for the first time.

Origin of Article: Philadelphia Sunday Mercury

Editorial Comment: "White men of Franklin county, of whatever party, we want you to carefully read the following and let us know how you like it. We clip it from the Washington correspondence of the Philadelphia Sunday Mercury. The City of Washington is now under the domination of black and white niggers, in pursuance of a law passed by the Thirty-Ninth Congress, allowing negroes to vote. Again we ask, how do you like it?"

Full Text of Article:

Shortly after the hour of the opening of the polls, the real, bona fide white citizens-men who own all the property of the city, and who have resided here their lifetime-began to make their various ways to the election ground; and you in Philadelphia can imagine their astonishment in seeing all the polls in the hands of the negroes.-In their attempts to get to the polls at the rear of the darkies, those ahead would allow other darkies to slip in ahead of them, and thus prevent the white men from voting. Other negroes would vote and then fall back to the rear, and when some negro would come along who had not voted, they would exchange places with them, and by this game the white voters would wait five or six hours without obtaining a chance to vote, and would finally be obliged to leave the line-they not being able to give all their time, like the worthless contrabands, who are supported by the Freedmen's Bureau, and many could not stand the heat and fatigue.

Many of the negroes could not tell their last names, and when asked by those inside the polls, these illiterate nigs would give their cognomens the same as they had received in the corn-field or negro dens of the city. 'Pompey,' 'Jim,' 'Jack,' 'Sayles,' 'Browney,' or something else would be given, and when sent away, they would return to the polls with a name written on paper by some scoundrel of a white Radical, who was in attendance, and the name on the paper would be sure to be found on the register.

As the sun arose on Monday morning, the heat became intense, but had no effect whatever upon the thick craniums of the negroes, while the whites were almost prostrated. Wenches of every hue, and some white niggers, were in attendance of the line of voters, and dealt out to the negroes all sorts of refreshments for their comfort. Some of the negroes improvised seats, and made themselves as comfortable as the circumstances permitted; and their manners indicated that they had come to stay all day if it were necessary to cheat the white man of his rights. In the Seventh Ward, known as the Island, which adjoins the Potomac river, at one of the precincts, an arrangement was effected between the negroes and whites, by forming two lines, so that each color should be voted in turn. This arrangement was going along smoothly and quietly, until Major Richards, the Superintendent of our Metropolitan polls, came on the ground and broke it up, and compelled the white line to form behind the negroes, and thus the whites lost their votes, as the negroes held the line all day, up to the very hour of closing the polls. Mr. Richards had no right to act in this manner, and as there were no disturbance of the peace, he defiantly transcended his duties; and if this stretch of authority had occurred in your city, the officer would have been most summarily dealt with; but here the Mayor had "the Fifteenth Infantry and the whole United States army at his back."

There were at least eight thousand negro votes polled-they electing their ticket by about 2,000 majority. A number of Departmental clerks voted with the negroes, and about two hundred of our white citizens. These Departmental clerks perjured themselves to vote, and as they are all marked, at the next State elections they will be looked after with great interest. If General George Washington had arisen from his grave, and had consented to have become a candidate, he would have met with the same defeat as those on our conservative ticket, as all the negroes for miles around were in town, and voted, as the country of negroes were very easily told from the city buck, with his second-hand finery.

Affairs in Tennessee
(Column 2)

Summary: The article assails Gov. Bronlow's administration and reports that several opponents of the governor's "unlimited authority" have suffered violent attacks.

Origin of Article: Age

Old Thad's Charity
(Column 2)

Summary: According to article, the Home for Friendless Children in Lancaster has been the recipient of generous charitable support from "every person in the county," irrespective of their political affiliations. Everyone, that is, except for Thad Stevens who has "refused to give a cent to the institution unless the Managers agreed to admit negro children on a perfect equality with those born of white parents." Though the article rebukes his decision, it argues that he is "honest" since he desires not only to foist black equality and suffrage upon the people of the South, but acts "upon the same principles at home."

Origin of Article: Lancaster Intelligencer

Full Text of Article:

The Home for Friendless Children of this city is an institution entirely worthy of the support of every charitable person in the county. It has for its end a noble and praiseworthy purpose. Persons of all political parties have contributed liberally to its support, and among those who have been most generous in subscribing to the erection of a new and handsome building for its use, we noticed the leading Democrats of Lancaster. The Republicans as a rule, have been equally as liberal. But there is one prominent name not to be found on this "roll of honor."-It is that of Thaddeus Stevens. He refused to give a cent unless the Managers agreed to admitt negro children on a perfect equality with those born of white parents. There is a boldness and consistency in this act of Old Thad. He believes fully in negro equality, illustrates it in his household, insists upon it everywhere, and makes it a rule of his private and public life. He does not believe in forcing negro suffrage and negro equality upon the people of the South, and refuse to act upon the same principle at home. He is honest. His followers in Lancaster county and elsewhere, who refuse to come up to his standard, are cowards and hypocrites.-Lancaster Intelligencer.

"The Mountain Labored and Brought Forth a Mouse"
(Column 3)

Summary: In the wake of the House Judiciary Committee's determination that there is insufficient evidence to warrant the articles of impeachment, the article castigates the Radicals for their "blind fanaticism and malignant fiendishness" in pursuing the president.

Origin of Article: Patriot and Union

Who Is The State Pardon Broker?
(Column 3)

Summary: The article criticizes Gov. Geary's practice of granting "advance pardons" for political purposes, which, it asserts, is "shameful."

Origin of Article: Patriot and Union

Full Text of Article:

Some time ago-after Beiber had been pardoned-Governor Geary was compelled through the demands of the people, whose sense of propriety and respect for the law and their courts had been so grossly outraged by his conduct in that case, to promulgate certain rules which he said he would follow in all subsequent applications for pardon. The sum and substance of these rules was that no more advance-pardons would be granted, and that in every case the testimony both for and against the criminal should be placed before him, as well as the judge's charge, sentence, and all other matters relative to the case.

It seems, however, that he is totally disregarding those rules. In Westmoreland county a violator of the law lately came into court, and, before sentence, produced a pardon from Geary which had been granted either previous to or during the trial-though nobody knows how or when. At the late criminal session of York, four criminals came into court, in the same manner, with pardons from Geary. Such conduct is shameful and calls for the most emphatic censure. The pardoning of criminals in advance of sentence can be intended for no other purpose than to bring the State judiciary into disrepute. If not so intended, why does he not wait until parties have been fully convicted and sentenced, and then require the production of the whole testimony bearing upon the case, pro and con? If then found worthy of clemency a pardon would not only be a shield from punishment as fully as though granted previously on one-sided testimony, but it would, in a measure, stand in extenuation of the culprit's conduct. Not so a pardon granted secretly, in advance, and poked into the Judge's face as he is about to pass sentence. A pardon always stands as an admission of the guilt of the person pardoned, and such pardons as Geary grants not only admit the guilt of the culprits, but also that the testimony has not been examined for extenuating circumstances.

These persistent attempts of the present Governor to bring contumely upon the courts will surely recoil upon himself if not the office he so unworhtily occupies. He may suppose that by shielding the lawless among his party with pardons for punishable offfences he may escape condemnation, but he cannot. The question of sustaining the courts is not marked nor bounded by party lines; and he will find that the more intelligent and law abiding of his own party condemn him, and, sooner or later, will make him suffer the penalty.-Patriot & Union

Local and Personal--Not True
(Column 1)

Summary: The brief piece repudiates a rumor in "circulation" that Col. A. K. McClure and his family "had been murdered, on the plains by Indians."
(Names in announcement: Col. A. K. McClure)

Local and Personal--Southern Relief
(Column 1)

Summary: Announces that Chambersburg churches will collect donations on June 16th for "the relief of the destitute people of the South." Donations will also be accepted at the Banking House of Messrs. Austin, Elder, and Fletcher.
(Names in announcement: Austin, Fletcher, Elder)

Local and Personal--Court
(Column 1)

Summary: Relates that restaurant licenses were granted to McGrath and Sterling's Tavern, Benjamin Rodes Restaurant, Kyler and Mickey's Restaurant, and George Gelwicks's Restaurant during the last session of the court. Applications for licenses were denied to Joseph Zook, Margaret Shireman, and Conrad Wagner.
(Names in announcement: McGrath, Sterling, Benjamin Rodes, Kyler, Mickey, George Gelwick, Joseph Zook, Margaret Shireman, Conrad Wagner)

Local and Personal--Up The Shenandoah
(Column 1)

Summary: Reports that a party of local men left Chambersburg on June 10th for a tour of the Shenandoah, a trip that will include a stop in Staunton. Members of the party include F. M. Kimmell, W. S. Stenger, C. M. Duncan, and B. Y. Hamasher.
(Names in announcement: F. M. Kimmell, W. S. Stenger, C. M. Duncan, B. Y. Hamasher)

Local and Personal--Hope Fire Company Election
(Column 1)

Summary: The Hope Fire Company held an election at its meeting June 4th. The following officers were selected: James Aughinbaugh was elected President, S. Barnes and G. Smith as Vice Presidents, J. F. Snyder as Secretary, A. C. McGrath as Treasurer, Frank Gilmore as Chief Directors, Fred Householder as Chief Engineer, A. Flack and H. Clipper as Asst. Engineers, T. Stratton, J. Elser, P. Beach, J. Long, P. Rousman, and S. Stratton as Directors, G. Greenawalt, P. Goetman, C. Wright, G. Nitterhouse, and J. H. Elser as members of the Executive Committee, and P. Halfrick as Superintendent.
(Names in announcement: James Aughinbaugh, S. Barnes, G. Smith, J. F. Snyder, A. C. McGrath, Frank Gilmore, Fred Householder, A. Flack, H. Clipper, T. Stratton, J. Elser, P. Beach, J. Long, P. Rousman, S. Stratton, G. Greenawalt, P. Goetman, C. Wright, G. Nitterhouse, J. H. Elser, P. Halfrick)

Local and Personal--Found Drowned
(Column 1)

Summary: Reports that Peter McGaffigan, an aged and "physically feeble" citizen of Chambersburg, was found dead in the Falling Spring on June 7th after he apparently fell into the water and drowned.
(Names in announcement: Peter McGaffigan, William G. Reed, Justice McIllwain, Dr. Boyle)

Local and Personal--Southern Relief
(Column 2)

Summary: Contains a copy of the resolution passed by the Southern Relief Committee on June 6th.
(Names in announcement: J. B. McLanahan, C. M. Duncan)

Married
(Column 6)

Summary: On May 30th, Daniel Etter and Rebecca, daughter of Peter Brubaker, were married by Rev. Thomas Creigh.
(Names in announcement: Daniel Etter, Peter Brubaker, Rebecca Brubaker, Rev. Thomas Creigh)

Married
(Column 6)

Summary: On June 6th, Gideon W. Landis and Mary Emma Hollar were married at the residence of the bride's father by Elder C. Price.
(Names in announcement: Gideon W. Landis, Mary Emma Hollar, Elder C. Price)

Died
(Column 6)

Summary: On June 3rd, George Deal, 74, died near Mercersburg.
(Names in announcement: George Deal)

Died
(Column 6)

Summary: On May 25th, Thomas P. Graham, 27, died at his father-in-law's residence in Berkeley Co., West Virginia.
(Names in announcement: Thomas P. Graham)