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Valley of the Shadow

Valley Virginian: December 18, 1867

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The Conservative Convention
(Column 01)
Summary: The paper praises the action of the Convention of Conservative white voters which met in Richmond. They characterized it as a last "manly" effort against Republican policies, and praised the adoption of the district system of organization which is sure to turn out and register voters.
(Names in announcement: Alexander H. H. Stuart)
Full Text of Article:

The proceedings of the CONSERVATIVE CONVENTION, including the speeches of Hon. A. H. Stuart and R. M. T. Hunter, are published in another column. It was a significant gathering of the Conservative wisdom and influence and spirit of the Old Dominion well worthy of her past glorious history. It means that the descendants of the men who made illustrious the Virginia of other days, and sternly resolved that the goodly heritage shall not pass to the spoiler without at least one more manly struggle: it shows that there is life in the old land yet.

The number of delegates in attendance reached near one thousand. Almost every single county in the State was represented. The personnel of the delegations was of the highest type; the wisest and best men of the whole State, such as the people are wont to look to, and to rely upon in times of real importance; no mere gathering of politicians to advance the comparatively petty interests of party, but the men whose hands and hearts comprehended the true interests and welfare of the whole Commonwealth.

The very organization of the Convention illustrated its character. The selection for its presiding officers of such men as A. H. H. Stuart, R. M. T. Hunter, S. McD. Moore, T. S. Bocock, Flournoy, Newton and others, men known to the entire country, as statesmen and patriots, was significant of solemnly earnest work. And the deportment of the whole body throughout its entire proceedings was most remarkable--in such a large number--for its dignity and courtesy and genteel demeanor, all indicative of a true appreciation of the high and important duty, and the critical character of the occasion for which they had assembled. No vainglorious or empty haranguing--such as too often marks voluntary popular gatherings--no [unclear] aimless declaration was for an instant tolerated. And although there was felt and manifested a deep yearning to hear the eloquent and sage counsels of their old leaders present, still that feeling was repressed and all remained satisfied with the wisdom of the significant speech of ex-Gov. Letcher, who in answer to earnest calls simply said:--"A still tongue marks a wise head."

The resolutions passed were short and pertinent but positive and sufficient. They manifest the skills and cool spirit of men who know their rights and knowing dare maintain them. They are at the same time just to all and responsive to all the obligations of good citizenship. The address--when prepared by the very able Committee appointed for that purpose--will doubtless be distinguished by the same characteristics. The organization adopted is the same that was inaugurated in Augusta county and is now faring so well here. It will ensure the registration and voting of every conservative citizen of Virginia at the next election, and permit no more fatal derelictions of a solemn and patriotic duty.

The assemblage and action of such a Convention can but come to great good--both in its effects upon our own people, and upon those just and patriotic people in the North who are now striving in our interests, and in the interests of a common humanity against the mad, frenzied and murderous spirit of revenge and hate which would crush us while helpless to the earth. Let us all then take hope and courage, and press on calmly and firmly keeping the "touch of the elbow," and make this one more manly effort in the cause of sheer justice and right, and to enhance the common glory of our now common country.

The Conservative Convention
(Column 02)
Summary: The paper prints the proceedings of the Conservative Convention that met in Richmond which included resolutions and addresses by Alexander H. H. Stuart and R. M. T. Hunter. Both men stressed that the government of Virginia is a "white man's government" and that conservative voters must unite to ensure that it stays that way. They also touched on national politics and race relations.
(Names in announcement: Alexander H. H. Stuart)
Full Text of Article:

The Conservative Convention assembled in the New Richmond Theatre on the 11th inst., and organized by electing the following permanent officers of the Convention:
President--Hon. A. H. H. Stuart.
Vice Presidents--Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, Hon. S. McD. Moore, Hon. T. S. Bocock, Hon. R. S. Preston, Hon. T. S. Flournoy, Gen. J. L. Kemper, C. W. Newton, Esq., Hon. W. H. Macfarland, Col. Geo. W. Bolling, Wood Bouldin, Esq.
Secretaries--Henry K. Ellyson, W. R. Coleman, James McDonald, and J. Bell Bigger.

The President, on being conducted to the chair by Messrs. Funsten and Turner, said:

Gentlemen of the convention: I thank you for the honor you have done me in calling me to preside over a convention which embodies so large a share of the virtue, intelligence, and patriotism of Virginia.

We have assembled, gentlemen, under circumstances of peculiar interest and solemnity. This is no convention to advance the interests of a mere party. Thank Heaven, if the late fearful conflict has done no other good, it has effaced all old party lines and subdued all old party animosities. We come together not as Whigs or Democrats, but as Virginians, earnestly devoted to the promotion of the interests and honor of our common mother.

Nor have we come together in any factious spirit or with any aggressive purpose.

Whatever opinions individual members of this Convention may have entertained in the past as to the right of a State to withdraw from the Union, I think I may safely affirm that they have been abandoned as impracticable. The questions arising out of those opinions have been referred to the arbitrament of arms, and having been decided adversely, all now feel that they are bound in honor, as well as impelled by interest, to stand by the award.

The people of Virginia now desire repose, and they earnestly seek a restoration of their constitutional relations to the Union as the best means of affording it. They feel, too, that the material interests of all parts of our widely extended country are impaired, and our liberties imperiled by the longer continuance of the present unhappy strifes, and we seek a restoration of the Union as the most efficient remedy for all the evils of which we complain.

When the war ceased we were told that if we annulled our ordinances of secession, and repudiated the Confederate debt, and perfected the emancipation of our slaves by adopting the constitutional amendment, who would be restored to our constitutional rights. To these conditions we promptly acceded, because they involved no sacrifice of our self-respect and were attended by no national degradation. We have faithfully fulfilled all these conditions, and yet our rights are withheld. May we not, under these circumstances, appeal to the justice and good faith of the North for the redemption of the promises thus made to us?

Looking to events which have happened in other Southern States, the people of Virginia have been led to fear that a policy is to be inaugurated here which tends, if it be not designed, to subvert our whole social fabric and to bring the land of Washington, Henry, Jefferson, Madison and Marshall under the dominion of an alien and inferior race. We should be false to all the instincts of humanity--false to the blood which courses through our veins--false to every obligation of duty to ourselves, our kindred, and our country, if we did not earnestly protest against and seek to arrest so fearful a calamity.

We hope our fears may be unfounded. We hope we may be spared this attempted degradation. But it is the part of prudence to guard against all contingencies. It is for this purpose that we have met to take counsel together to-day. We wish with one united voice in appeal to the patriotic people of the North to come to our relief and stay the hands of those who would oppress and degrade us.

We desire further to perfect our organization, so that all who desire that this shall continue to be a white man's government may be able to act in concert, and by one vigorous and united effort save ourselves from ruin and disgrace. We prefer military rule to the despotism of an ignorant rabble. And we wish to declare with earnestness and emphasis, that, come what may, we and those we represent can never agree that this shall be any other than a white man's government. Our rights may be wrested from us by violence, but we will never agree that our proud old mother shall be presented in the attitude of consenting to her own degradation.


Convention called to order by the President, and alter prayer by Rev. Mr. Peterkin, the business committee made their report which was adopted unanimously.

They reported a plan of general organization of the Conservative voters of the State, and advised that a committee of five be appointed to prepare and publish an address on behalf of the people of Virginia, to the people of the United States.


The following are the committee appointed by the President: Wm. C. Rives, R. M. T. Hunter, John Janny, James Marshall and T. R. Tucker.

Several other important matters were referred to the committee.

Among them an address to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States; another address to the Senate and House of Representatives in Congress assembled.

A resolution proposing a committee to confer with General Schofield, upon the propriety of disarming the negroes of the Commonwealth and suppressing military drills among them.

A resolution to the effect that this is a White man's government, and that it is the mission of the Conservative party, North and South, to preserve it as such.

A resolution that it is expedient for the convention to memorialize Congress on the subject of our grievances, and also to address the people of the Northern, Western, and Eastern States on the same subject.

A resolution by Mr. Turner, of Richmond, that an address to the people of Virginia be prepared by the committee and reported to the convention, and also a plan of organization for the State at large.

All of which the committee have had under consideration; but from the extent and magnitude of the topics presented, and the shortness of time, which could be employed in maturing such measures as they suggest, (farther than they are embraced in the former part of this report) the committee recommend that these several matters be referred to the Central Executive Committee, should one be appointed, to be properly disposed of.

All which the committee respectfully submitted.

The Convention adopted the following Declaration of Principles.

1. This Convention doth recognize that by the result of the late war, slavery has been abolished; and doth declare that it is not the purpose or desire of the people of Virginia to reduce or subject again to slavery the people emancipated by the events of the war; and by the amendment to the Constitution of the United States.

2. This Convention doth declare that Virginia of right should be restored to her federal relations with the Government of the United States; and that it is not in the contemplation of the people of Virginia to violate or impair her obligations to the Federal Union, but to perform them in good faith.

3. This Convention doth solemnly declare and assert that the people of Virginia are entitled to all the rights and freedom and all the guarantees there-for provided by the Constitution of the United States, and they insist on the same as unquestionable; and the Constitution, which all are sworn to support, does not justify the governing of Virginia by any power not delegated by it, nor ought she, under it, to be controlled by the Federal Government, except in strict accordance with its terms and limitations.

4. This Convention doth declare, in the language of a resolution adopted by a public meeting held at the Cooper Institute, in the city of New York, that the policy which continues to subject the people of ten States of the Union to an irresponsible government, carried on by military power, is inconsistent with the express provisions of the Constitution of the United States, and is subversive to the fundamental ideas of our Government and of civil liberty; and the object of which this great wrong has been persisted in is now being disclosed to the people and to the world, to wit; to subject the white people of those States to the absolute supremacy, in their local governments and in their representation in the Senate and the House of Representatives, of the black race, just emerged from personal servitude, is abhorrent to the civilization of mankind, and involves us and the people of the Northern States in the consequences of surrendering one-third of the Senate and one-quarter of the House of Representatives, which are to legislate over us, to the dominion of an organized class of emancipated slaves, who are without any of the training, habits or traditions of self-government.

5. This Convention, for the people of Virginia, doth declare that they disclaim all hostility to the black population; that they sincerely desire to see them advance in intelligence and material prosperity, and are willing to extend to them a liberal and generous protection; but that, while in the opinion of this Convention any Constitution of Virginia ought to make all men equal before the law, and should protect the liberty and property of all, yet this Convention doth distinctly declare that the Governments of the States and of the Union were formed by white men, to their control, and that suffrage should be still so regulated by the States as to continue the Federal and State systems under the control and direction of the white race.

6. That in the opinion of this Convention the people of Virginia will sincerely co-operate with all men throughout the Union, of whatever name or party, who will labor to restore the Constitutional Union of the States, and to continue its Government and those of the States under the control of the white race.

On motion of John T. Anderson, of Botetourt, it was resolved that the executive committee, when appointed by the Chair, take speedy means to test the validity of the reconstruction acts before the Supreme Court.

Mr. Avlett and the mover of the resolution advocated its passage.

On motion of Hon. John B. Baldwin, the Chair was given time to appoint the committee of thirty three, as provided by the report of the committee above mentioned.

Hon. Samuel McDowell Moore stated, that as the Convention had done all the good it could, and if it remained longer in session might do harm, he moved to adjournment sine die.

The motion was agreed to, and thus closed the ablest, the wisest and most prudent convention we ever saw assembled in Virginia.


There were loud calls for Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, when, after some hesitation, he advanced to the front of the stage, and was received with rounds of applause.

Mr. Hunter said: He could claim the merit of impartiality for the counsels which he was about to give his countrymen, as he had no interest in the proceedings of this or any political body except those which every citizen has in the good government of the country to which he belongs. He had a sentiment however which was stronger than any interest could be; and that was for the promotion of the welfare and preservation of the honor of his native State, which was dearer to him now in her misfortunes than in the palmy days of her prosperity. He had no political aspirations, and if he had, there was no possible public career before him. He said this not by way of regret or complaint, for whilst he held that no man had a right to throw away any opportunities of usefulness which had been bestowed upon him, yet if they were taken from him he might turn aside to domestic pursuits, which were far more congenial to his tastes than the stormy career of public life. He had, however, a difficulty in offering counsels to which he had never experienced before. He had been a member heretofore of public meetings which had the welfare and honor of Virginia under consideration. But then, there were always some general principles of justice or considerations of expediency upon which he could reason and form some theory, which, whether right or wrong, was satisfactory to himself at least. Now, he was not to consider the questions before us in that point of view, but he was to ascertain, if possible, what would be allowed to us by those who controlled us, and to choose amongst these things what would be best for Virginia.

Even in this limited view of the question he was at a loss as to what was before us. If he were to take the recent elections as a test of the feeling of the North, he could hope that the cup of universal negro suffrage would pass from us; but if he must take the reconstruction act as the ultimate and final decree of Congress which must rule us at least for the next two years, then he had only to choose between military government or the control of the colored race. Between these alternatives he had no hesitation in saying that he preferred the military control. Under military government he was controlled by men of his own race; educated men who acted under the responsibilities of their commission and in some degree under the control of a President who we know to be disposed to do us justice, and accord to us, as far as he could, our constitutional rights. If we were to be placed under the control of the black race, in the country between the Potomac and the Rio Grande, it was not difficult to divine the results. We had the experience of Hayti and Jamaica before us. There was no doubt but that it would result in the formation of a black man's party, which would persecute the white man in all possible modes. In Hayti they were suddenly emancipated as in this country, and without adverting to the scenes of atrocity which occurred when they had the control of public affairs, it is enough to say that the result was to destroy all the elements of material prosperity and moral progress. A black man's party was formed and the whites were persecuted until most of them were driven from the country, and he had the authority of an intelligent observer, who has recently been amongst them, that they not only exclude all white men from office, but deny them the privilege of holding real estate. The black men themselves only work by compulsion, and the culture of sugar, of which they made 120,000,000 of pounds in 1789 has disappeared, so of cotton, and so would it have been of coffee if it were not that trees planted long ago still continue to bear. In Jamaica we have the same history as was compatible with the control of the English Government. The same hostility to the white men. The same independence in agricultural production.

Could any body doubt but that we should see similar [unclear] the Southern States if the whole country between the Potomac and the Rio Grande should be submitted to the rule of the colored race? The Radical party seemed to think that they would thus secure the support of the whole Southern country so long as the black man should rule. They would find themselves mistaken in this after the first election. The blacks would form not a Radical, but a black man's party, and we know, from the history of party warfare, that all parties would bid for them. They would set for the benefit of themselves, and not for this or that party of the whites, and can there be conceived anything more demoralizing than a party constituting, in the language of one of the resolutions, one-third of the Senate, and a fourth of the House of Representatives who would thus hold the balance of power between the two parties of the white race, and act only for their own good. As Free Lancers in the field, they would determine all disputed questions in reference only to their own interests. He said this in no feeling of hostility to the colored race, but in accordance only with the history of the past. On the contrary, he felt kindly toward the colored race, but thought their welfare was to be promoted in a mode which was contrary, perhaps, to their own view. But there were dangers ahead of them in their present course to which, they had not adverted, and which had been carefully concealed from them. Suppose they could assume the control of the Southern States for the present, how long would it last? Would the white race in the North long endure a state of things in which the blacks, though a minority, would control, by holding the balance of power in all contested political questions? Would they consent to see the material resources and productions of the South wasted and perhaps destroyed which used to yield them so large a harvest of wealth? Would they contribute to the result which was to restore the cultivated field to the wilderness and jungle, and leave the wild beasts and the alligator to reign supreme over those plains and bottoms, which heretofore had been the seats of a refined civilization, and of a production whose profits extended North as well as South? Would they stand by contentedly and see the moral, material and social elements of strength and happiness wasted and almost destroyed to maintain the supremacy of the colored race, which would seem to be the present policy.

Every consideration of self-respect and national interest would forbid it. The extreme western limit of agricultural settlement east of Rocky mountains has already been attained. It cannot be long before the tide of agricultural immigration must soon tend Southward. The colored race will not be allowed to hold these immense resources in abeyance. This country belongs to the white man, and they will claim its control. To subject the white race in Virginia to the government of the black race, when it is superior in numbers, wealth and intelligence, would be to commit one of the highest of all sins, a sin against nature. Would any party in loyal States permit the blacks to give the power of the government to a minority amongst themselves when they had only to call into action their own strength to avert? Was there ever a race superior in numbers, wealth and intelligence to those who governed them who tamely submitted to be so ruled?

I throw out these considerations not merely to encourage my own fellow citizens and brethren, but for the black race itself, whom I have kindly feelings. I was not only reared amongst them and feel the kindly ties of early associations, but I acknowledge the obligation which rests upon us to give them all the opportunities of progress and development which we can afford them in justice to ourselves. That the reaction will come, I have no doubt, but I fear it will come in a mode which I should regret as a friend to civilization and humanity, and to the black race itself. And suppose for the sake of a brief period of control which is given them, not for their own sakes, but to secure the supremacy of the Radical party they should thus get up a contest between the races and incur the hostility of the whites, what will become of them when the reaction comes? I shudder to think of the result. If the Radicals appeal to the black race to sustain them, will not the other party invoke the aid of the whites, who are so much more powerful in all the natural elements of strength in the country in which they may be brought into competition. I speak not only in the interests of the white, but also of the black race when I protest against my system of laws which seeks to place the weaker and inferior race in control over that which is superior in wealth, numbers and intelligence. After all, the citizens of any community have more interest in its good government than in the question of who shall direct it. I will not offer the advice, because it will not be received in the spirit in which it is offered, but far better would it be for the blacks to leave the government of the country where they found it. If they do not provoke the hostility of the white race, they will be treated not only with justice but generosity. If they are made equal in the eye of the law and protected in all their rights, would they not be in a far better position to leave the government to the whites, who are best fitted for it? I am sure I speak not only my own feelings, but those also of the white citizens of Virginia, when I say that at present we would tolerate no government which did not respect not only their freedom, but their just rights of person and property.

But Mr. President it may be that they will heed no advice which I can give them. The Radical party which now controls Congress may retain that for two years yet to come, and they may force on us a state of things contrary not only to justice, but sound policy. There will be nothing left to us then but patient endurance until the reaction comes. That it will come I do not doubt for a moment, and if it should bring consequences to the black race which we shall all deplore, we shall not be responsible for it. Mr. President, I know what I recommend when I counsel patient endurance and manly fortitude to the people of Virginia, if this state of things should occur. It will be best for our beloved State that it should be so. The present generation has suffered, still suffers, and perhaps may continue, for some time to come, to suffer. He's what is the life time of one generation in the existence of a State. Virginia will revile and fulfill a destiny as bright probably as the most ardent son ever wished for her. Trials, difficulties and sufferings constitute the discipline by which individuals and States are trained to moral and heroic excellence. What individual ever attempted greatness who was reared in the lap of ease and luxury, and was not trained for some part of his life in the school of adversity? What nation has achieved excellence in greatness which was not disciplined in the same school? England had what is called its rebellion, a period of some cruelty and much suffering, and yet from that rebellion sprung some of those acts which are the proudest moments of the liberty of the subjects, and more than all the resolution in which were laid broad and deep the foundations of British freedom and prosperity.

The revolution of France was far more terrible. The wisest men trembled for her future, and yet from that revolution sprang that equality of all men before the law and the throwing open all the roles of life to the free and equal competition of all which gave a new impulse to the energy of the nation and placed it at the head of the European powers. Who shall say that the present period may not prove a new seed of progress and a new germ of growth in the career of Virginia. I think I already see its effects in the rising generation. The times are teaching them habits of self-denial and self-reliance, which contributes so much to give strength of character and self-respect. The feeling of patriotism is intensified by the present condition of the good Commonwealth, and every true son feels a redoubled desire to redeem her from her present depression and to reconstruct her morally and nationally. Mr. President, they will do it! The young men of Virginia will do it. Let them meet their present difficulties with manly fortitude, a noble constancy. The State has been dismembered, it is true, but she is still a great State, large in territory and abounding in resources. I speak in no language of compliment, when I say that I believe we have the people who will develop these resources. To speak the language of flattery in these times would be vain and wicked. But the past justifies my confidence in my fellow citizens; they have been equal to all emergencies in the past, they will meet the difficulties of the present in a proper spirit. We are poor, very poor, it is true, but our hands, I trust, will be endured with a patient fortitude and manly constancy.

There is wealth in the earth--let us plough, dig and mine for it. There is wealth in our falling waters and running streams. They will turn the mill and build up manufactories. There is wealth, too--stores of wealth--in our black diamonds; they will make the steam which drives the car, propels the boat and turns the wheel. We have streams to bear away the fleets of commerce as far as the tide may flow and we have forests to build those fleets. It is for the people of Virginia to say whether we have not the men to develop those resources. I believe that we have. I have confidence in my fellow-citizens. I believe that there is great and glorious destiny yet in store for Virginia. I have given, I think, a reason for the faith that is in me. But, Mr. President, I confess that I, too, have my moments of despondency. When I think of what Virginia has been, of all that she has done for the Union, her sister States and for mankind, and then reflect upon her present condition, I may say, in the eloquent words of another, that thoughts, feelings and emotions crowd upon my mind which I cannot altogether repress, and yet which in humble submission to divine Providence I dare not express. But I thank God that this is not my permanent state of mind. I do not despair. The present hours of darkness and despondency will soon pass away, and Virginia, if not exactly her old self, will be a great State again. The time must come when she will hitch on to the Federal train as great as any in her constitution of freight and passengers, and who shall say that the trumpet of leadership may not be placed once more in her hands. Mr. President, every man has some times a belief for which he cannot exactly account and which seems to come to him more from intuition than reason. Such, perhaps is in fact the foundation of my faith in the future greatness and prosperity of Virginia. I believe, sir, that the seed of Anglo-American civilization was first sown on the silent banks of the James for some divine purpose. It is now nearly three centuries since the Anglo-Saxon came, the master builder of forms of government, with his compass and square to lay the foundations of the immense social fabric which we now see around us, embracing almost every variety of climate and race which are known upon earth. From that seed sprang the "Old Dominion," the mother of States and of statesmen. The "Mother of States," for every State south of the isothermal line of the northern line is numerously stored with the descendants of Virginia sires. Kentucky was her eldest daughter, and under her great pioneer, George Roger Clarke, acquired the territories which now comprises most of the Northeastern States, already the seat of empire freely bestowed by Virginia upon the Confederacy for purposes of peace and harmony. The mother of statesmen, all acknowledge her to have been. It was she who gave to the Revolution the leader of its armies and to the Union the man more than any other who may be considered its founder and the preserver of it in infancy. It was she who gave the author of the Declaration of Independence, and the long line of Virginia Presidents under whose guidance the beginnings of empire were laid which are the most painful steps in a nation's progress. Her great mission seems to have been to promote individual liberty as far as was consistent with the existence of democratic republican government. We appeal to history to sustain the assertion that whenever the Federal Government was under the influence of Virginia principles the people were harmonious, prosperous and happy, and so soon as that government departed from those principles trials and discontent have arisen. The old state of things has passed away; concentration and consolidation are now the order of the day. Time will make up the issue between the old state of things and the new; history will record that issue, and impartial posterity will pronounce the verdict. I will not undertake to predict what it will be, but as a Virginian, I do not fear the result.

Mr. president, I hope for better things, but still I will look to the future in its worst aspect. Suppose that a temporary supremacy of the black race should be forced upon us. We must meet it with a manly fortitude, a patient endurance; we must do nothing inconsistent with our self respect or wound the honor of our people, which to nations is the pearl of great price. Patiently we will bide our time until the reaction comes, as assuredly it must. The interests of the North will not endure the waste of so much of the sources of its wealth and prosperity, and may I not hope that its feelings will also forbid our subjection to such domination. Such a state of things cannot last. We could not even be threatened with such a danger if the passions and bitterness of the contest had not obscured the judgement of those who now govern. These passions must subside before long, and the volcano will burn out. For this I trust not only to natural causes, but to Providence, which will not permit the destiny of such a State to be marred or leave its tale "half untold."

In conclusion, fellow citizens, as Lord Elder and amongst the best of his utterances, "I submit the cause of my country to that Great Being, who can say to the madness of the people as he can say to the raging waves of the ocean--Hither shall thou come, no further."

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(Column 02)
Summary: Professor A. J. Turner plans to give a concert of vocal and instrumental music at the chapel of the Deaf, Dumb and Blind Institute. "We attended the concert given by Prof. T. on last year at the Institution which was so far superior to anything of the kind that we have visited."
(Names in announcement: Prof. A. J. Turner)
(Column 02)
Summary: The paper prints the addresses, pastors and hours of service of all of Staunton's churches.
(Names in announcement: Rev. J. A. Latane, Father J. A. Weed, Rev. George B. Taylor, Rev. William E. Baker, Rev. J. I. Miller, Rev. John L. Clarke, Rev. Jacklin Strange, Rev. E. Lawson)
Full Text of Article:

Episcopal:--West Main Street, Rev. J. A. Latane, pastor. Sunday services, 10 A. M. and 8 P. M.

Roman Catholic:--Augusta Street, Father J. A. Weed. Sunday services, 10 1/2 A. M., 3 1/2 P. M.

Baptist:--West Main Street, Rev. Geo. B. Taylor, Pastor. Sunday services, 11 A. M. and 6 P. M.

Presbyterian:--Frederick Street, Rev. Wm. E. Baker, Pastor. Sunday services, 11 A. M. and 7 P. M.

Lutheran:--Main St., Rev. J. I. Miller, Pastor. Sunday services, 11 A. M. and 7 P. M.

Methodist:--Lewis Street, Rev. John L. Clarke, Pastor. Sunday services, 11 A. M. and 7 P. M.


African Methodist Episcopal:--West Main Street, Rev. Jacklin Strange, Pastor. Sunday services, 11 A. M. and 7 P. M.

Methodist:--North New Street, Rev. E. Lawson, Pastor. Sunday services, 11 A. M. and 7 P. M.

(Column 02)
Summary: David E. Sibert, of Bridgewater, and Miss Kinnie H. Sibert, of Mt. Solon, were married on December 10th by the Rev. G. Stevenson.
(Names in announcement: David E. Sibert, Kinnie H. Sibert, Rev. G. Stevenson)
(Column 02)
Summary: Edward I. Evans, of Winchester, and Miss Addie M. Lushbaugh, of Staunton, were married on December 12th by the Rev. J. L. Clarke.
(Names in announcement: Edward I. Evans, Addie M. Lushbaugh, Rev. J. L. Clarke)
(Column 02)
Summary: George P. Baker, of Staunton, and Miss Mattie L. Cooke, formerly of Staunton, were married in Richmond on December 12th by the Rev. M. D. Hodge.
(Names in announcement: George P. Baker, Mattie L. Cooke, Rev. M. D. Hodge)

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